Mobilizing Care and Housing Access. Demanding Responses to the Local Government in Buenos Aires in the Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic

The Covid-19 pandemic made starkly visible the housing crisis in the City of Buenos Aires characterized by the increasing presence of precarious housing situations. The mandatory social isolation imposed nation-wide at the onset of the pandemic significantly delayed the spread of the virus. Yet, this policy revealed the exclusion of the most vulnerable populations- the unhoused and slum dwellers. The city government of Buenos Aires offered the unhoused and slum dwellers patch-aid policies that immediately triggered the reaction of a collective of unhoused advocacy groups and grassroots organizations (GOs). Long-term and new GOs, demanded from the local government, adequate housing and immediate sanitary assistance for those who were already living in precarious conditions. We selected two case studies that were at the forefront of the array of claims and critiques to the local government during the pandemic. Most of these claims were situated under the constitutional "right-to-housing" established in the Argentinean constitution. We argue that the GOs mobilized an "ethic of care" whereby they built networks of care and assistance rooted in the idea of a relational social ontology. At the same time, they did not intend to replace the State's withdrawal from being a welfare provider and guarantor of rights, but to call attention to the State's moral obligation to care.

Managing the Pandemic: The Italian Strategy for Fighting COVID-19 and the Challenge of Sharing Administrative Powers

This article analyses the administrative measures and, more specifically, the administrative strategy implemented in the immediacy of the emergency by the Italian government in order to determine whether it was effective in managing the COVID-19 pandemic throughout the country. In analysing the administrative strategy, the article emphasises the role that the current system of constitutional separation of powers plays in emergency management and how this system can impact health risk assessment. An explanation of the risk management system in Italian and European Union (EU) law is provided and the following key legal issues are addressed: (1) the notion and features of emergency risk regulation from a pandemic perspective, distinguishing between risk and emergency;(2) the potential and limits of the precautionary principle in EU law;and (3) the Italian constitutional scenario with respect to the main provisions regulating central government, regional and local powers. Specifically, this article argues that the administrative strategy for effectively implementing emergency risk regulation based on an adequate and correct risk assessment requires "power sharing” across the different levels of government with the participation of all of the institutional actors involved in the decision-making process: Government, Regions and local authorities."And the flames of the tripods expired. And Darkness and Decay and the Red Death held illimitable dominion over all”.Edgar Allan Poe, The Mask of the Red Death, Complete Tales and Poems(New York, Vintage Books 1975) p 273

Protecting Workers' Equal Rights during Crisis and Recovery: Constitutional Approaches in 193 Countries

This chapter analyses the scope, potential, and early impacts of constitutional protections for equal rights, social protection, and minimum labour standards in safeguarding workers' health and livelihoods during Covid-19. Across countries, both the pandemic itself and many policies enacted in response (eg economic shutdowns) disproportionately affected marginalized workers due to underlying disparities in terms and conditions of work, social protection coverage, and living conditions. While the right to health has clear relevance during a pandemic, protections for equality and fundamental economic rights also matter to workers' overall well-being, particularly when policy responses focus narrowly on preventing disease spread through closures without adequately addressing social determinants of health like workplace safety and income. This chapter: (1) draws on a unique global dataset to analyse the extent to which constitutions protect equal rights, decent work, and social insurance in 193 countries;(2) reviews early examples of how these constitutional protections provided tools to support both health and economic needs and uphold foundational equality amidst a crisis;and (3) identifies gaps likely to leave workers vulnerable if unaddressed. It finds that explicit constitutional protections for almost all aspects of equal rights, decent work, and social insurance have become more common over time;moreover, courts from wide-ranging countries have cited these protections in decisions addressing workers' rights and households' material needs amidst Covid-19. Nevertheless, most countries lack constitutional provisions specifically addressing safe working conditions or income protection during illness and unemployment-areas that matter to equality both during pandemics and more typical years. © The several contributors 2022. All rights reserved.

Fair Market Constitutionalism: From Neo-liberal to Democratic Liberal Economic Governance

Neo-liberalism was in crisis well before COVID-19;and COVID-19 has only further highlighted the gaps and fault lines in existing liberal democratic models. But this does not mean that we should walk away from liberal ideals, or the general idea of globalisation or market-based forms of ordering. Instead, we should seek a new, more 'democratic' or pro-social understanding of the liberal ideal, which emphasises the idea of fair rather over free markets. This idea of fair markets can be understood in numerous ways, but I suggest that it is best understood as entailing a commitment by the state to: (i) guaranteeing access to a public baseline of core goods, or access to a generous social minimum to all citizens, regardless of market outcomes;(ii) ensuring equality of access to certain 'relative goods';(iii) regulating market power or sources of monopoly power;and (iv) responding to or 'internalising' negative externalities or social costs associated with private market behaviour. The article explores what this entails for the design of constitutions, and especially constitutional property and social rights, and the scope and strength of judicial review. Ultimately, the article suggests, fair market constitutionalism points to the desirability of a combination of weak property and social rights-ie property rights that offer some but not complete protection for existing economic entitlements, coupled with legislative duties to implement fair market norms or limited weak social rights guarantees. But this does not mean that such guarantees can only be weakly enforced by courts: blockages in the democratic process may mean that courts can and should adopt a weak-strong-or responsive-approach to enforcing these fundamentally weak rights guarantees.

Combating Domestic Violence amidst Social Isolation and Covid-19

This paper explores the situation faced by women in the family atmosphere during the pandemic-imposed lockdown and the inability on the part of the State and its machinery to provide access to instant remedies against domestic violence as envisaged under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence (PWDV) Act, 2005. The concept of parens patriae (parent of people) has proved to be in existence only nominally during the contingency. Many of the well framed statutory protective mechanisms including the constitutional machinery of the Judiciary have failed to provide a helping hand to the tortured women everywhere. The social isolation strategy adopted to tackle the Covid-19 epidemic has accelerated the age-old shadow of domestic violence. A doctrinal study is undertaken to analyse the existing legislative and judicial measures against domestic violence, especially in the context of rising domestic violence during the pandemic. The objective of the paper is to identify the victimisation faced by women during the pandemic and the difficulties they face in accessing the redressal mechanisms stipulated under the PWDV Act. To reach the victims of domestic violence, and to free and save them from the clutches of respondents1 with the help of legislations is not sufficient. To deal with such an unexpected new normal scenario, it is necessary to find an alternative mechanism whereby an instant remedy, more than which is perceived under the PWDV Act, could be provided to victims of domestic violence. The methodology adopted for this paper is basically doctrinal. The legal framework at the national and international levels to curb the menace of domestic violence is brought in for the structuring of rights and obligations. An analysis of the present Covid-19 pandemic based on the reports available offline and online is also undertaken. Judicial decisions form the building bricks for the establishment of constitutional rights and its affirmation. Hence a systematic analysis of Supreme Court decisions is also undertaken to complete the research paper.

Institutional Independence and Accountability of the Judiciary

It is an honour to have been asked to give this Lionel Cohen Lecture deferred from 2020 when the covid pandemic was sweeping the world. It is a great pleasure to be with you at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The Impact of COVID-19 on General Rights and Freedoms: The Jordanian Case as a Model

The study addressed the impact of COVID-19 on public rights and freedoms. The research question is to what extent it is possible to achieve compatibility between preserving public health in light of the COVID-19 pandemic and protecting the basic rights and freedoms of individuals, and how the Jordanian government dealt with the pandemic by resorting to exceptional legislation in this regard. To address this problem the study focused on the legislative basis which the Jordanian government relied on to confront the pandemic and the manifestations of prejudicing general rights and freedoms. The study discussed the compatibility between respecting rights and freedoms, and combating the pandemic. The conclusion is that the Jordanian government imposed harsh legislations which restricted individuals’ rights. It is recommended that the Jordanian government adopt preventive measures to combat the epidemic in line with international standards on respecting human rights. Policies are suggested. © 2022 Al-Shawabkeh et al.

Effects of Chinese medicine for COVID-19 rehabilitation: a multicenter observational study.

OBJECTIVES: This study aimed to evaluate the effects of Chinese Medicine (CM) on the health condition of the post-COVID-19 patients, particularly with the CM Syndrome diagnosis and Body Constitutions (BC), as well as related clinical characteristics. METHODS: 150 participants who had COVID-19 and discharged from Hong Kong public hospitals were recruited. They were provided with three to six months of CM treatments, during which assessments were made per month and at follow-up on their CM syndromes, BC, lung functions, and other medical conditions. This study was divided into two parts: (1) Retrospective survey: medical history of participants during COVID-19 hospitalization was collected during the baseline visit; (2) Prospective observation and assessments: clinical symptoms, lung functions, and BC status were evaluated in participants receiving CM treatment based on syndrome differentiation and clinical symptoms. RESULTS: The median hospitalization period was 16 days. Symptoms were presented in 145 (96.6%) patients at the day they were diagnosed with COVID-19. Fever, fatigue, and dry cough were the most common symptoms, exhibiting in 59.3% (89 of 150), 55.3% (83 of 150), and 46% (70 of 150) participants, respectively. Among the 150 post-COVID patients, majority (71.3%) were of the two particular post-COVID CM Syndromes (Qi Deficiency of Lung and Spleen, and Qi and Yin Deficiency). Upon CM treatment, there was an observable increase in participants reaching a balanced BC (i.e. healthy body conditions). The increase was observed to be more prominent in those without the particular CM Syndromes compared to those with the CM Syndromes. Main clinical symptoms in participants with the CM Syndromes decreased upon CM treatment. Occurrence of fatigue also dropped after CM treatment though not all accompanied clinical symptoms were resolved fully. Further to the improvement in terms of CM assessments, lung functions of the participants were found to show improvement after treatment. Both the performance in 6MWT and scores in the LFQ improved upon CM treatments (P < 0.05). CONCLUSION: This study provided evidence for individualized CM treatment on COVID-19 rehabilitation concerning the clinical symptoms improvements, lung functions improvement, and achieving a balanced BC. It is believed that CM may be a key to further promote rehabilitation and resolution of residual symptoms. Long-term large scale follow-up studies on sub-categorising post-COVID patients according to different CM syndromes would be required to further elucidate treatment of persistent symptoms that may be associated with long-COVID.

Protection of the Rule of Law and ‘Competence Creep’ via the Budget: The Court of Justice on the Legality of the Conditionality Regulation: ECJ Judgments of 16 February 2022, Cases C-156/21, Hungary v Parliament and Council and C-157/21, Poland v Parliament and Council

Introduction On 16 February 2022, the Court of Justice fully dismissed the annulment actions lodged by Hungary and Poland against Regulation 2020/2092,1 which notoriously established a regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union’s budget in case of breaches of the principles of the rule of law.2 The judgments were long awaited by those following with concern the process of rule of law backsliding unfolding in some EU member states,3 and even more so in light of the much-discussed compromise reached at the European Council’s meeting of 10-11 December 2020.4 As is known, in the attempt to overcome the Hungarian and Polish ‘veto’ threatening the approval of the 2021-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework and of the reform of the Own Resources Decision needed to greenlight the ‘Next Generation EU’ package, the European Council agreed on a de facto suspension of the conditionality mechanism due to be finally approved a few days later, on 16 December 2020. In what is definitely the most controversial part of the Conclusions, the European Council stated that the mechanism should not be enforced before the adoption of guidelines on its application by the Commission and that, should an action of annulment be introduced, such guidelines should be finalised only after the Court of Justice’s ruling on the matter.5 With the Commission faithfully abiding by the indications of the European Council, the delivery of the two judgments – whose decisum was actually anything but surprising – became the crucial piece missing for making the enforcement of the Regulation a concrete reality. In a rare ‘closing of ranks’ in defence of the fundamental values underpinning the European integration process,8 an extraordinary number of ten member states intervened in support of the Council and the Parliament.9 The latter, which figures among the most critical voices on the Commission’s inaction,10 held also a rather unusual debate on the implications of the judgments during the plenary session of 16 February and adopted a resolution that, once again, spells out a firm j’accuse towards the Commission and the Council.11 Finally, as a side note, on the very day of the delivery of the two judgments, the (unlawfully composed)12 Polish Constitutional Tribunal held a public hearing on Case K 1/22, which originates from the application of the Prosecutor General – who is also, by the way, the Polish Minister of Justice – asking whether Article 322(1)(a) TFEU is compatible with the Polish Constitution to the extent that it provides the legal basis of Regulation 2020/2092.13 Besides their political significance, the two judgments touch upon a number of extremely salient legal issues, including the nature and content of the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU, the limits of the ‘national identity’ clause of Article 4(2) TEU, as well as the transparency of the legislative process and the access to opinions of the EU institutions’ legal services, whose influence on EU policy-making has become ever more significant in recent years.14 Crucially, and this will be the specific focus of this case note, the judgments of 16 February 2022 are the first ones to deal with the competence issues arising from the use of ‘spending conditionality’15 as an alternative enforcement mechanism of EU law. [...]it reflects on the broader implications of the judgments on the use of conditionality as an alternative enforcement mechanism of EU law.

Parliamentary Representation in Modern Britain: Past, Present, and Future

A series of recent books all attest to a revival of interest in the theory and practice of parliamentary representation in the modern era as a scholarly discipline. This review surveys eight different aspects of that history since the early nineteenth century: the spatial dimension of the Palace of Westminster;the comparative framework offered by the history of parliaments in Europe;ideas of parliamentary representation;the history of parliamentary procedure;women in parliament;the House of Lords;the history of corruption;and the Brexit crisis. Insights and perspectives are drawn from recent historical research as well as from political science and intellectual history. The review concludes by observing that the history of parliamentary representation in the modern era is in good shape. Some older interpretive paradigms still lurk, especially an obsession with ‘democratization’. However, more is now known about individual MPs and constituencies than ever before. The digitization of the records of parliament is expediting the kind of longitudinal analysis which was impossible back in the 1960s and 1970s. And the intellectual history and public policy literature around the idea of representation is enjoying a renaissance.

COVID-19 REPORTING: PRIVACY VERSUS PROTECTION

[...]we propose appropriate guidelines for organizations that balance their duty to maintain their employees' privacy and protect other employees and customers. Among these federal statutes are the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996, known as HIPAA14 which pertains to privacy rights for patients and medical record privacy, the Privacy Act of 197415 which pertains to personal information maintained by Federal agencies, and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA)16 which prohibits employers from inquiring into the medical history or condition of applicants and prevents employers from discriminating against qualified individuals with a disability in regard to the terms, conditions, and privileges of employment. Some state statutes, like Wisconsin's right of privacy statute, explicitly acknowledge a right of privacy with respect to private medical information when the disclosure of such information would be highly offensive to a reasonable person.25 In Marino v. Arandell Corp., the court allowed an employee's privacy claim when his employer conducted prohibited medical inquiries about his condition, chronic Hepatitis C, and intentionally failed to maintain confidentiality with respect to his medical records.26 Nevertheless, some courts strictly construe the right to privacy. In Carter v. Tennant Co.,21 the court interpreted the Illinois Right to Privacy in the Workplace Act which prohibits any employer from inquiring into whether a prospective employee has ever filed a claim for benefits under the Illinois Worker's Compensation Act or the Illinois Workers' Occupational Diseases Act or received benefits under the Acts.28 Although the court acknowledged that the employer had questioned the prospective employee regarding whether he had suffered prior occupational injuries, lost time from work for a work-related injury or illness, or seen a medical doctor for any work-related injury or illness, the court denied the prospective employee's claim for a violation of the privacy act because the employer did not specifically ask whether the prospective employee had ever filed a workers compensation claim.29 Given the foregoing, an employee's right to privacy with respect to medical information is clear and compelling.

COVID-19 AND THE CONSTITUTION

The 'Covid-19 and the Constitution' timeline is a web-based resource conceptualized and developed by Center for Health Equity, Law and Policy in collaboration with Justice Adda and Vaibhav Bhawsar. It documents Indian legal and policy responses to the pandemic and contextualizes them with fundamental rights guaranteed in the Indian Constitution. The timeline also offers illustrated personal narratives and experiences of citizens' varied struggles, along with critical commentary on emerging issues that implicate fundamental rights. Through this paper, the authors elucidate on the motivations, aims and methodologies which undergird the project. The authors hope that the project will serve to shape rights-based responses to future health challenges, in India and elsewhere.

COVID19, aborto y objeción de conciencia a la luz de la Resolución 2020/2215(INI) del Parlamento Europeo: ¿hacia una nueva configuración de los derechos?

Este artículo aborda el análisis de la Resolución 2020/2215(1 NI) del Parlamento Europeo sobre la situación de la salud y los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en la Unión Europea en el contexto del COVID19. En concreto se centra en cuestiones como el aborto y la objeción de conciencia. Se lleva a cabo un estudio del texto normativo, en el que se cuestiona si la nueva resolución del Parlamento puede implicar un cambio de rumbo en el derecho y la jurisprudencia europeas, así como las influencias que la consideración del aborto como derecho fundamental puede conllevar en relación con la futura jurisprudencia del TEDH y el margen de apreciación de los Estados miembros.Alternate :This article discusses European Parliament Resolution 2020/2215ONI) on the situation of sexual and reproductive health and rights in the European Union in the context of COVID19. In particular, it focuses on issues such as abortion and conscientious objection. The normative text is studied, in particular regarding whether the Parliament's new resolution may imply a change of direction in European law and jurisprudence, as well as the influence that the definition of abortion as a fundamental right may entail in relation to the future jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, and the scope for action available to Member States.

Challenges of constitutional judicial control of the delegated legislative power during the COVID-19 Pandemic in the light of international standards: the case of North Macedonia

In order to effectively prevent the COVID-19 Pandemic, for the first time in the history of the Republic of North Macedonia by decision of the President of the Republic on March 18, 2020, a state of emergency was established, which in addition to intensified measures to protect public health, also implied the introduction of a special legal regime whose basic characteristics are: deviation from the constitutional principle of separation of powers and taking over by the Government of legislative powers and the opportunity to limit basic human rights and freedoms and to take intervention measures by the executive power in economics, education, labor relations, and other spheres of social life. In this regard, the declaration of a state of emergency has activated the constitutional authority of the Government to perform its legislative function. Unlike other constitutions that regulate in more detail the powers of the Government, parliamentary control, enactment of decrees with the force of law and other regulations, as well as the restriction of human rights in a state of emergency, the Constitution of North Macedonia does not contain special provisions on the government powers, except enacting decrees with the force of law. Due to such a constitutional gap, the question remains whether such regulations remain in the legal system even after the state of emergency ceases. The Constitution of North Macedonia only stipulates that the authorization of the Government to adopt decrees with the force of law lasts until the end of the state of emergency, which is decided by the Parliament, without considering the situation when the state of emergency is declared not by the decision of Parliament but by the decision of the President of the Republic. With this paper authors by explaining the principle of the Rule of Law as a generally accepted International and European standard in such situations, using: normative legal method, comparative legal method, intentional, systematic and objective interpretive methods, will focus on the specific analysis of the judicial control of decrees with the force of law by the Constitutional Court of North Macedonia, in terms of, to what extent the principle of proportionality was respected in the adoption of such decrees which derogated existing laws in order to protect the public health of citizens.

Can defined contribution pensions survive the pandemic? The Chilean case

The impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic threatens the viability of Chile’s defined contribution (DC) pension system, undermining its financial foundation and exposing its vulnerability to political risk. The COVID‐19 crisis led to the approval of three rounds of emergency withdrawals of 10 per cent of pension savings (as of April 2021). Utilizing pension funds during an economic crisis is neither new nor uncommon – during the Great Recession, several countries in Central and Eastern Europe diverted DC pension funds to cope with the fiscal stresses. As Chile prepares to draft a new constitution, debates about the efficiency and equity of the pension system are ongoing. In this regard, and as the political response to the pandemic demonstrates, the DC system has failed to live up to its promise of ending political risk and preventing the diversion of pension funds for other expenditures.Alternate :L’incidence de la pandémie de COVID‐19 menace la viabilité du système de pensions à cotisations définies du Chili, en mettant à mal ses ressources financières et en révélant sa vulnérabilité face aux risques politiques. En raison de la crise de COVID‐19, les Chiliens ont pu effectuer, à trois reprises, des retraits d’urgence de 10 pour cent de leur épargne pension (à partir d’avril 2021). La libération de fonds de pension en pleine crise économique n’est pas nouvelle ni unique: durant la Grande Récession, plusieurs pays d’Europe centrale et de l’Est ont détourné l’utilisation des fonds de pension à cotisations définies pour faire face à la pression fiscale. À l’heure où le Chili s’apprête à rédiger une nouvelle constitution, les discussions concernant l’efficacité et l’équité du système de pensions vont bon train. À ce sujet, et comme l’ont révélé les mesures politiques prises face à la pandémie, le système à cotisations définies n’est pas parvenu à tenir ses promesses et à écarter les risques politiques, ni à empêcher le détournement des fonds de pension à d’autres dépenses.Alternate :Los efectos de la pandemia de COVID‑19 amenazan la viabilidad del sistema de pensiones de cotización definida, puesto que menoscaban su situación financiera y exponen su vulnerabilidad a riesgos políticos. La crisis de la COVID‑19 ha llevado a la aprobación, en tres ocasiones y con carácter de emergencia, de la retirada del 10 por ciento de los ahorros para las pensiones (a partir de abril de 2021). Recurrir a los fondos de pensiones durante una crisis económica no es nuevo ni inusual. Durante la Gran Recesión, en varios países de Europa Central y Oriental se emplearon fondos de pensiones de cotización definida para hacer frente a la presión fiscal. Mientras Chile se prepara para redactar una nueva constitución, prosiguen los debates sobre la eficiencia y la equidad del sistema de pensiones. A este respecto, y como han puesto de manifiesto las medidas políticas adoptadas para hacer frente a la pandemia, el sistema de pensiones de cotización definida no ha cumplido la promesa de acabar con los riesgos políticos y de evitar que se desvíen los fondos de pensiones para otros gastos.Alternate :Die Auswirkungen der Coronapandemie bedrohen die Funktionsfähigkeit des chilenischen Rentensystems mit festgelegten Beiträgen, da die Pandemie die Finanzgrundlage aushöhlt und das System politischen Risiken ausgesetzt hat. Aufgrund der Coronakrise wurden drei Runden von Notfallbezügen in Höhe von zehn Prozent der Rentenansparungen genehmigt (Stand April 2021). Die Verwendung von Rentenansparungen in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten ist weder neu noch ungewöhnlich. Während der Großen Rezession zweigten verschiedene Länder Mittel‐ und Osteuropas Vermögenswerte aus Renten mit festgelegten Beiträgen ab, um die Haushaltsengpässe zu meistern. Da Chile vor dem Entwurf einer neuen Verfassung steht, wird rege über die Effizienz und Gerechtigkeit des Rentensystems diskutiert. Wie die politischen Reaktionen auf die Pandemie je och zeigen, ist das Rentensystem mit festgelegten Beiträgen seinem Versprechen, politische Risiken abzuwenden und die Abzweigung von Rentengeldern für andere Ausgaben zu verhindern, nicht gerecht geworden.Alternate :Пандемия COVID‐19 ставит под вопрос жизнеспособность пенсионной системы в Чили, которая основана на уплате фиксированных взносов: она подрывает её финансовую основу и делает её уязвимой в политическом отношении. Ð’ условиях кризиса COVID‐19 трижды был одобрен экстренный вывод со счетов 10% пенсионных накоплений (по состоянию на апрель 2021 года). Ð’ использовании пенсионных фондов на фоне экономического кризиса нет ничего нового и необычного: во время мирового экономического кризиса несколько стран Центральной и Восточной Европы перенаправили средства из пенсионных фондов с уплатой фиксированных взносов, чтобы справиться с финансовой нагрузкой. Ð’ то время как в Чили разрабатывается проект новой конституции, продолжаются дебаты об эффективности и справедливости существующей пенсионной системы. Ð’ связи с этим и принимая во внимание политическую реакциую на пандемию, можно заключить, что система, основанная на уплате фиксированных взносов, не смогла выполнить свои обязательства по устранению политических рисков и предотвратить перенаправление пенсионных средств на покрытие других расходов.Alternate :冠状病毒大流行病的影响威胁着智利固定缴费养老金计划的可行性, 削弱了计划的财政基础, 并暴露了计划易受政治风险影响的脆弱性。冠状病毒危机导致批准了三轮紧急提取10%的养老金储蓄(截至2021å¹´4月)。在经济危机期间利用养老金基金既不新鲜也非罕见——在大衰退时期, 中欧和东欧的多个国家挪用了固定缴费养老金基金以应对财政压力。随着智利准备起草一部新宪法, 关于养老金计划效率和公平的争论仍在继续。在这方面, 正如大流行病的政治响应所表明的那样,固定缴费计划未能兑现承诺, 即结束政治风险和预防养老金基金用于其他支出。Alternate :يهدد تأثير جائحة COVID‐19 استدامة نظام المعاشات التقاعدية ذات المساهمة المحددة في الشيلي، مما يقوض أساسه المالي ويجعل هشاشته عرضةً للمخاطر السياسية. وأدت جائحة COVID‐19 إلى الموافقة على ثلاث جولات من عمليات السحب الطارئة بنسبة 10 في المائة من مدخرات المعاشات التقاعدية (في نيسان/أبريل 2021). إن استخدام صناديق التقاعد أثناء الأزمة الاقتصادية ليس بالأمر الجديد ولا غير المألوف؛ فخلال فترة الركود العظيم، استعملت العديد من البلدان في وسط أوروبا وشرقها صناديق التقاعد ذات المساهمة المحددة لمواجهة الضغوط المالية. وبينما تستعد الشيلي لصياغة دستور جديد، لا تزال المناقشات حول كفاءة وعدالة نظام المعاشات ا „تقاعدية جارية. وفي هذا الصدد، وكما تشير الاستجابة السياسية للجائحة، فقد فشل نظام المعاشات التقاعدية ذات المساهمة المحددة في الوفاء بوعده المتمثل في إنهاء المخاطر السياسية ومنع تحويل أموال المعاشات التقاعدية إلى نفقات أخرى.Alternate :O impacto da pandemia de COVID‐19 ameaça a viabilidade do sistema de aposentadoria de contribuição definida (CD) do Chile, minando sua base financeira e expondo sua vulnerabilidade ao risco político. A crise da COVID‐19 levou à aprovação de três rodadas de saques emergenciais de 10% da poupança previdenciária (a partir de abril de 2021). O uso dos fundos de pensão durante uma crise econômica não é novo nem incomum – durante a Grande Recessão, vários países da Europa Central e Oriental realocaram os fundos de pensão CD para enfrentar as tensões fiscais. No momento em que o Chile se prepara para elaborar uma nova constituição, debates sobre a eficiência e a equidade do sistema de aposentadoria estão em pauta. Nesse sentido, e como demonstra a resposta política à pandemia, o sistema CD não cumpriu a promessa de acabar com o risco político e impedir a utilização dos fundos de pensão para outras despesas.

El Nuevo Proceso Constitucional de la Acción de Tutela en Modalidad Virtual para la Protección del Derecho Fundamental a la Salud en Tiempos del COVID - 19 1

El presente artículo de investigación es producto de la investigación titulada "Eficacia del derecho fundamental a la salud en el contexto del proceso constitucional virtual en tiempo del COVID-19 en Colombia", la cual tiene primer objetivo reconocer el nuevo proceso constitucional de la acción de tutela bajo la modalidad virtual para la protección del derecho fundamental a la salud. De esta forma, en este artículo se presentarán los avances de esta investigación los cuales pretenden reconocer las características propias de este nuevo proceso constitucional para la protección del derecho fundamental a la salud, creado por los Acuerdos expedidos por el Consejo Superior de la Judicatura. Esta investigación se desarrolló bajo un enfoque cualitativo y un método hermenéutico que pretendió comprender holísticamente el significado de los escritos relacionados con la temática conservando la singularidad de estos, a través de matrices de análisis que permiten descomponer los textos para comprenderlos como un todo integrado. Como resultados parciales se puede observar que el nuevo "proceso constitucional de tutela virtual" representa la flexibilización en un contexto de ductilidad en donde la adaptación mediada por las TIC ha permitido la garantía de los derechos fundamentales a través de la no suspensión de términos en materia de tutelas, presentación de la acción por correo electrónico, prevalencia del derecho fundamental a la vida, la salud y la libertad, entre otras.Alternate :This research article is the product of the research study called "The fundamental right to health effectiveness in the virtual constitutional process context in times of COVID-19 in Colombia", whose first objective is to recognize the new constitutional process of the protection action under the virtual modality for the fundamental right to health protection. Thus, this article will describe the advances of this research which seeks to recognize the characteristics of this new constitutional process for the fundamental right to health protection, created by the Agreements issued by the Superior Council of the Judicature. This research was developed under a qualitative approach and a hermeneutical method that sought to comprehensively understand the meaning of the writings related to the subject while preserving their uniqueness, through analysis matrixes that allow to decompose the texts to understand them. As partial results, it can be observed that the new "constitutional process of virtual protection action" represents flexibility in a context of ductility where adaptation mediated by ICTs has allowed the assurance of fundamental rights through the non-suspension of terms of protection actions, to file the action by email, prevalence of the fundamental right to life, health, and liberty, among others.

Thailand in 2021: Demonstrations and Discord in the Depths of a Pandemic

In 2021, COVID-19 spread like wildfire throughout Thailand, with the government being routinely accused of mismanagement and facing two censures in parliament as a result. The military-aligned government also faced continuing protests against its rule. As the year progressed, the protests became more violent and spread to the peripheral regions of the country. Combined with the economic impact of the pandemic on the tourist sector, cracks are beginning to appear in the multi-party coalition. Support from the armed forces may also be waning, and there have been rumors of another coup. Nevertheless, imports and exports increased throughout 2021, and the opening of the country to 63 low-risk countries in November promises to ease the pressure on the government. The Thai parliament also approved a measure to reform the electoral system back to the one used in the 1997 constitution, under which the main opposition party, Pheu Thai, performed so well. Another election seems imminent, but it remains to be seen whether the electorate responds more to the intimidation, increasing support for the government’s largest party, the military-aligned Palang Pracharat—or to the student demands for constitutional reform, increasing support for opposition parties.

The EU beyond Brexit and Covid-19: The Conference on the Future for Europe and the Outlook for Integration *

The article examines the state of European integration in the aftermath of Brexit and the outburst of the Covid-19 pandemic. The article argues that the European Union (EU) has both faced centripetal and centrifugal pulls since 2020. On the one hand, the article discusses the federalising effects that the economic responses to COVID-19-and notably the launch of Next Generation EU-have had on integration. On the other hand, the article identifies ongoing challenges for the EU, notably resulting from the rule of law crisis. The article argues that these trends result from institutional dynamics at play in the EU, and suggests that further constitutional reforms will be needed to address these. As such, the article concludes by reflecting on the potentials and perils of the Conference on the Future of Europe to relaunch the EU after Brexit and COVID-19.

ICE RUSES: FROM DECEPTION TO DEPORTATION

In 2005, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency enacted a policy sanctioning its civil ICE agents to use strategic deception, known as "ruses," to facilitate community immigration enforcement operations. This policy provided agents a means to overcome the limitation that civil immigration arrest warrants are administrative as opposed to judicial in nature, which effectively precluded agents from entering a target's home without first obtaining consent. Since, civil ICE agents have deployed various ruses to lure targets outside of their homes or, more controversially, elicit consent to gain entry into their homes. Once inside, agents often conduct sweeping searches and execute "collateral arrests" of nontarget bystanders who are also suspected to be undocumented. The Fourth Amendment has always tolerated some degree of law enforcement deception. But the existing body of law that delineates the constitutional limits of government deceit contemplates the use of ruses in only the criminal context, which assumes that criminal law enforcement officers are employing subterfuge only against purported criminals. Legal analysis of the use of deception in the civil immigration context is almost entirely lacking, largely because ICE ruse practices have escaped judicial scrutiny. This Note seeks to close this gap by examining both the legal and policy questions raised when a civil government agency uses deception against those who have committed a civil immigration infraction. It then proposes two limitations on the current policy that would address the constitutional concerns and better align it with the policy justification underlying the use of government deception.